Articolo apparso oggi sul Time
The four-story palazzo in central Rome would
become infamous in 2007 when it emerged as one of the prime locations for
Silvio Berlusconi's over-the-top parties with young women, hangers-on and at
least one professed high-priced prostitute who took photographs and secretly
recorded conversations with the 70-something Prime Minister.
But four years earlier, I found myself at that
same private residence, Palazzo Grazioli, to interview Berlusconi — over lunch.
I was working on a story for TIME on how he'd dropped badly in the polls ahead
of European elections, but my host was rather buoyant after having just wrapped
up playing host to his ally and self-declared "friend" President
George W. Bush, who had been on a three-day visit to Rome. Berlusconi began the
hour-long lunch of pasta al pomodoro and Super Tuscan wine by showing me
the gift Bush had given to him: sheet music for classic American standards.
Berlusconi even hummed a few bars of "Ol' Man River." That detail
would make it into the magazine story. Dessert would not.
We closed our simple but intimate meal with some
delicious homemade pistachio ice cream before the waiter served a large
porcelain bowl filled with fresh cherries. The Prime Minister politely offered
some to his guest and three staffers, one by one. All politely refused. So
Berlusconi started on the cherries himself, peeking into the bowl like an
emperor to pluck out the choicest of the crop. With the search for each new
cherry, he pulled the bowl closer and closer until his left arm was all but
wrapped around it. Even back then, the scene struck me as the perfect vision of
some not-quite-holy Roman indulgence.
That day at Palazzo Grazioli is just one of the
memories I find flooding back now that his reign is over. Is it really over?
For those of us whose stake in Italy extends beyond a week's holiday in Capri
or someone's favorite hunk of Parmigiano, we're all still rubbing our eyes and
asking if Berlusconi is truly, finally out of our lives.
To help you make some sense of my personal
Italian drama, it's best that I jump back to where it all began. I married into
modern Italy in January 1998, just six months after meeting Monica, a Rome
native, when we were both living in Northern California. There was clearly much
still to be discovered about our respective backgrounds, our different
countries. When we decided to begin our life together back in her native city,
I knew I'd be doing some fast learning indeed. My famiglia Italiana, in
the strict sense, was bound to be a beautiful thing. But there was that
would-be member of the extended Italian family settling in down at Palazzo
Grazioli. And Berlusconi was destined, for the next decade, to be around every
corner, to come up in every conversation, appear on every channel. He was going
to enter our lives, get into our heads, shape the future that awaits our
children.
For the much smaller family of foreign
correspondents in Rome, he was also going to provide some great copy. Even
before it descended into leadership-by-orgy, the Berlusconi reign featured a
steady diet of scandal and surprises and pure star power. There were his fights
against corruption charges, his control of Italy's private television network,
his near monthly foot-in-la-bocca episodes as well as a constant, more
subtle eroding of civility and faith in the nation's elected leaders.
He didn't invent Italy's penchant for explaining
away conflicts of interest; he was hardly alone in Rome in seeing public
service as private enterprise by other means; but it was Berlusconi who defined
and dominated an era when bad national habits got worse, a fat national debt got
fatter, and the most beautiful parts of Italy were also looking disturbingly
backward, while other parts of the world were full steam ahead.
Still, even as Monica was expecting our second
child in the summer of 2003, Berlusconi was providing a net plus for my own
professional project. He had just let loose the first in a series of the
"Mamma of All Gaffes," comparing a German member of the European
Parliament to a Nazi prison guard; and I would score my first interview. I had
wound up in the Rome bureau just as Italy had found its first internationally
newsworthy politician since Mussolini — and who wasn't a Pope.
For that first interview, there would be no
lunch, no cherries, as we spoke at the official Prime Minister's office at
Palazzo Chigi. Beyond what he said that afternoon to defend his record and
promises he made to "try to become [a] boring" politician, what I
remember most was the sofa. As we were about to sit down, he realized that the
long antique sofa where he was meant to sit was resting flush up against the
wall. Not wanting to chip the white paint or scratch the sofa, he walked
straight over to one end and then the other to lift the massive piece of
furniture away from the wall. It was a glimpse of the uomo del fare (man
of action) that had seduced even some people on the political left back when he
entered politics in 1994.
All Italians, Berlusconi supporters and
opponents alike, should pause for a moment now to ask what they did or didn't
do to contribute to this poisonous political longevity. His sticking around,
his omnipresence, was the worst of all sins. And we should all share the blame.
Life in Italy can be uniquely beautiful and Italians still have a vibrant
instinct for creativity and, what may surprise many foreigners, a prodigious
work ethic. The problem, particularly in public life, is that those powers of
imagination and 12-hour workdays are often devoted to keeping things
miraculously stuck in place. That is in part how Italy ended up with him for 18
years. My own mea culpa is easy: I secretly enjoyed covering him a bit too
much, for a bit too long. I suspect a lot of journalists did.
But Monica and I moved on to Paris for work. And
from a distance, I had a sinking feeling that Italy isn't a great place these
days for our two Italian kids to grow up. By the end, these past three or four
years, I just wanted him to go away as fast as possible — and he could take the
opposition along for the ride. It's how I felt as a father, and as a reporter
too. He wasn't fun to cover anymore either.
And so the news of the end came to me, at 9:56
p.m. Europe time, sent from Rome by a member of my extended Italian family, Zio
Jacopo. His matter-of-fact text message put it simply: "It's done. He
resigned." And this American father of two Roman kids didn't hesitate with
a two-word reply:
"Viva
l'Italia!"
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